39

I was going to make a cohesive post but I don't have the juice.

I think of this image every single day since I saw it a year ago.

  1. Here you can see a weapon that IDF forces discovered hidden inside incubators at the hospital.

You might have to open full size to see what's going on.

This is what these motherfuckers brought to their own defense against the Crime of Genocide. So sad to think about the NICU nurses needing a gun to defend themselves but why the fuck wouldn't you. There should be lots more guns around, hopefully once defeat was inevitable they got the guns somewhere more useful. It's a hospital in a war zone. Ever watch MASH? Guns everywhere

It is so depraved to show this tragic pictures in which they are the aggressor in so many ways: over time space, across various planes of logic.

To show that TINY little gun as a justification of why they weren't doing genocide because some people really just need to be genocide.

I know there are thousands of worse things i just think about this thing every day, because it's so twisted.

14
submitted 4 weeks ago by glans@hexbear.net to c/news@hexbear.net

“Unfortunately everything you suspect about RIAC management is true,” Perkins wrote in the message, claiming management wanted to get rid of the police department and “most of all the union.”

full text

T.F. Green head of security resigns abruptly

by: Tim White

Posted: Jan 28, 2025 / 04:11 PM EST

WARWICK, R.I. (WPRI) – R.I. Airport Corp. head of security Joseph Perkins abruptly resigned Tuesday after sending an alarming message to colleagues, accusing airport management of seeking “to eliminate the police department.”

Perkins outlined the allegations against airport management in a message he sent to members of the airport police department before handing in his resignation to State Police Col. Darnell Weaver, who oversees law enforcement at Rhode Island T.F. Green International Airport.

“Unfortunately everything you suspect about RIAC management is true,” Perkins wrote in the message, claiming management wanted to get rid of the police department and “most of all the union.”

Airport spokesperson Bill Fischer denied the allegations, downplaying Perkins’ authority at the airport and noting he’d only joined in September. He also said the airport never received a letter of resignation from Perkins and that he’d never raised his concerns to airport leadership.

“There are no plans to eliminate the RIAC police department and the airport is properly staffed and able to fulfill its mission,” Fischer said. “We have had the same staffing levels over the last decade. The department has been and will continue to be led by senior vice president of operations, Duc Nguyen.”

Lt. Col. Robert Creamer said Perkins does not report to the Department of Public Safety and directed all questions to the airport corporation.

In an email to Target 12, Perkins confirmed his resignation and said he immediately notified the airport police department about his decision, “encouraging them to stay strong and committed to their duty of serving and protecting the airport and the citizens who utilize it.”

“To the astonishment of most people I speak with outside the airport, the leadership must be changed,” Perkins wrote. “I am sorry I was not able to make that change happen. I am sorry I was not able to become what I and most of you expected when I took this job.”

He advised the staff to “fight” and “do not let them win.”

Perkins confirmed the authenticity of the internal message via text message.

Perkins came to RIAC with 35 years of law enforcement experience, most recently serving 10 years as chief of the Middleboro Police Department in Massachusetts.

His departure comes at a time of internal turbulence at the quasi-government agency, which oversees Rhode Island airports. In October, RIAC President and CEO Iftikhar Ahmad announced he was launching an internal investigation after a series of anonymous emails and letters circulated criticizing his leadership.

ALSO READ: TF Green fire lieutenant fired over alleged misconduct, excess overtime

The administration has denied the allegations in the anonymous letters and has raised the possibility of filing a lawsuit against the author if they are revealed.

More than 160 employees at the airport — including its police officers — are currently negotiating a new contract with RIAC leadership. Council 94, the union that represents the workers, has repeatedly raised concerns about Ahmed’s leadership.

“We have been raising an alarm about RIAC’s ill treatment of both union and nonunion employees,” said Jim Cenerini of Council 94. “This is our minds shows a continued pattern of disregard for their employees.”

Despite the tensions, passenger numbers have grown at T.F. Green. A news release by the agency touted the airport as the “fastest-growing hub airport in New England.” The release said the airport saw 27% increase in passengers from 2023 to 2024, passing 4 million travelers.

Tim White (twhite@wpri.com) is Target 12 managing editor and chief investigative reporter and host of Newsmakers for 12 News. Connect with him on Twitter and Facebook.


[-] glans@hexbear.net 57 points 4 weeks ago

cops also recently killed the commet pizza shooter

[-] glans@hexbear.net 113 points 1 month ago

having trouble formulating this thought but

the available information points to the death being femicide / intimate partner violence / abuse

like sometimes we have "critical support" for "comrade cancer" etc. but it's hard to get behind what is decribed as a fucking woman beating death as some sort of class victory.

45
submitted 1 month ago by glans@hexbear.net to c/technology@hexbear.net

Wow I can't hardly believe anybody passed a law like this in the USA.

I guess media outlets are acting like legal clinics now???

cross-posted from: https://lemmy.zip/post/30666017

Optimum wasn’t ready to comply with law, rejected low-income man’s request twice.

full textWhen New York's law requiring $15 or $20 broadband plans for people with low incomes took effect last week, Optimum customer William O'Brien tried to sign up for the cheap Internet service. Since O'Brien is in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), he qualifies for one of the affordable plans that Internet service providers must offer New Yorkers who meet income eligibility requirements.

O'Brien has been paying Optimum $111.20 a month for broadband—$89.99 for the broadband service, $14 in equipment rental fees, a $6 "Network Enhancement Fee," and $1.21 in tax. He was due for a big discount under the New York Affordable Broadband Act (ABA), which says that any ISP with over 20,000 customers must offer either a $15 plan with download speeds of at least 25Mbps or a $20 plan with at least 200Mbps speeds, and that the price must include "any recurring taxes and fees such as recurring rental fees for service provider equipment required to obtain broadband service and usage fees."

Despite qualifying for a low-income plan under the law's criteria, O'Brien's request was denied by Optimum. He reached out to Ars, just like many other people who have read our articles about bad telecom customer service. Usually, these problems are fixed quickly after we reach out to an Internet provider's public relations department on the customer's behalf.

That seemed to be the way it was going, as Optimum's PR team admitted the mistake and told us that a customer relations specialist would reach out to O'Brien and get him on the right plan. But O'Brien was rejected again after that.

We followed up with Optimum's PR team, and they had to intervene a second time to make sure the company gave O'Brien what he's entitled to under the law. The company also updated its marketing materials after we pointed out that its Optimum Advantage Internet webpage still said the low-income plan wasn't available to current customers, former users who disconnected less than 60 days ago, and former customers whose accounts were "not in good standing." The New York law doesn't allow for those kinds of exceptions.

O'Brien is now on a $14.99 plan with 50Mbps download and 5Mbps upload speeds. He was previously on a 100Mbps download plan and had faster upload speeds, but from now on he'll be paying nearly $100 less a month.

Obviously, telecom customers shouldn't ever have to contact a news organization just to get a basic problem solved. But the specter of media coverage usually causes an ISP to take quick action, so it was surprising when O'Brien was rejected a second time. Here's what happened.

“We don’t have that plan”

O'Brien contacted Optimum (which used to be called Cablevision and is now owned by Altice USA) after learning about the New York law from an Ars article. "I immediately got on Optimum's website to chat with live support but they refused to comply with the act," O'Brien told us on January 15, the day the law took effect.

A transcript of O'Brien's January 15 chat with Optimum shows that the customer service agent told him, "I did check on that and according to the policy we don't have that credit offer in Optimum right now." O'Brien provided the agent a link to the Ars article, which described the New York law and mentioned that Optimum offers a low-income plan for $15.

"After careful review, I did check on that, it is not officially from Optimum and in Optimum we don't have that plan," the agent replied.

O'Brien provided Ars with documents showing that he is in SNAP and thus qualifies for the low-income plan. We provided this information to the Optimum PR department on the morning of January 17.

"We have escalated this exchange with our teams internally to ensure this issue is rectified and will be reaching out to the customer directly today to assist in getting him on the right plan," an Optimum spokesperson told us that afternoon.

A specialist from Optimum's executive customer relations squad reached out to O'Brien later on Friday. He missed the call, but they connected on Tuesday, January 21. She told O'Brien that Optimum doesn't offer the low-income plan to existing customers.

"She said their position is that they offer the required service but only for new customers and since I already have service I'm disqualified," O'Brien told us. "I told her that I'm currently on food stamps and that I used to receive the $30 a month COVID credit but this did not matter. She claimed that since Optimum offers a $15, 50Mbps service... that they are in compliance with the law."

Shortly after the call, the specialist sent O'Brien an email reiterating that he wasn't eligible, which he shared with Ars. "As discussed prior to this notification, Optimum offers a low-income service for $15.00. However, we were unable to change the account to that service because it is an active account with the service," she wrote.

Second try

We contacted Optimum's PR team again after getting this update from O'Brien. On Tuesday evening, the specialist from executive customer relations emailed O'Brien to say, "The matter was reviewed, and I was advised that I could upgrade the account."

After another conversation with the specialist on Wednesday, O'Brien had the $15 plan. O'Brien told us that he "asked why I had to fight tooth and nail for this" and why he had to contact a news organization to get it resolved. "I claimed that it's almost like no one there has read the legislation, and it was complete silence," he told us.

On Wednesday this week, the Optimum spokesperson told us that "it seems that there has been some confusion among our care teams on the implementation of the ABA over the last week and how it should be correctly applied to our existing low-cost offers."

Optimum has offered its low-cost plan for several years, with the previously mentioned restrictions that limit it to new customers. The plan website wasn't updated in time for the New York law, but now says that "new and existing residential Internet customers in New York" qualify. The new-customer restriction still applies elsewhere.

"Our materials have been updated, including all internal documents and trainings, in addition to our external website," Optimum told us on Wednesday this week.

Law was in the works for years

Broadband lobby groups convinced a federal judge to block the New York affordability law in 2021, but a US appeals court reversed the ruling in April 2024. The Supreme Court decided not to hear the case in mid-December, allowing the law to take effect.

New York had agreed to delay enforcement until 30 days after the case's final resolution, which meant that it took effect on January 15. The state issued an order on January 9 reminding ISPs that they had to comply.

"We have been working as fast as we can to update all of our internal and external materials since the ABA was implemented only last week—there was quite a fast turnaround between state officials notifying us of the intended implementation date and pushing this live," Optimum told Ars.

AT&T decided to completely stop offering its 5G home Internet service in New York instead of complying with the state law. The law doesn't affect smartphone service, and AT&T doesn't offer wired home Internet in New York.

Optimum told us it plans to market its low-income plan "more broadly and conduct additional outreach in low-income areas to educate customers and prospects of this offer. We want to make sure that those eligible for this plan know about it and sign up."

O'Brien was disappointed that he couldn't get a faster service plan. As noted earlier, the New York law lets ISPs comply with either a $15 plan with download speeds of at least 25Mbps or a $20 plan with at least 200Mbps speeds. ISPs don't have to offer both.

"I did ask about 200Mbps service, but they said they are not offering that," he said. Optimum offers a $25 plan with 100Mbps speeds for low-income users. But even in New York, that one still isn't available to customers who were already subscribed to any other plan.

Failure to comply with the New York law can be punished with civil penalties of up to $1,000 per violation. The state attorney general can sue Internet providers to enforce the law. O'Brien said he intended to file a complaint against Optimum with the AG and is still hoping to get a 200Mbps plan.

We contacted Attorney General Letitia James' office on Wednesday to ask about plans for enforcing the law and whether the office has received any complaints so far, but we haven't gotten a response.


108
When Luigi Mangione Came to Our Prison (prisonjournalismproject.org)
submitted 1 month ago by glans@hexbear.net to c/news@hexbear.net

full text

When Luigi Mangione Came to Our Prison

A dispatch from SCI Huntingdon in Pennsylvania, which was briefly part of the biggest crime story in the nation.

by Vaughn Wright January 23, 2025

This story is a Kite, a special category dedicated to first-person reports that rely heavily on a writer’s first-hand observations and experiences. Read more about why PJP uses this category here__.

Well before Luigi Mangione became a temporary resident here at State Correctional Institution at Huntingdon, Pennsylvania, he and the crime he is alleged to have committed were topics of speculation among the prison population.

Through the prison grapevine, I learned that Mangione was being held in D-Rear, or the rear of D Block, a part of the prison where death row prisoners used to be housed.

Rather than the orange jumpsuit that is standard issue in here, he was wearing a “turtle suit,” a blue padded getup used primarily for prisoners vulnerable to committing self-harm. 

Every time he was escorted from his cell, D Block got locked down. During lockdowns, all prisoner movement is prohibited.

Within 48 hours of Mangione’s arrival here, cable and broadcast news had set up shop outside the prison. That evening, Ashleigh Banfield, the host of NewsNation’s “Banfield” show, placed a curious kind of spotlight on this prison. 

During that nighttime interview, Banfield realized the prisoners on E Block were watching her show when they shouted and blinked their ceiling lights in response to the conversation she was having from the studio with Alex Caprariello, her reporting colleague in the field. So she started posing questions directly to the prisoners, who responded both vocally out of their windows and visually with their cell lights.

I haven’t heard voices here raised in such raucous unison since 2018, when the Philadelphia Eagles won the 2017 Super Bowl. Though it was hard for Caprariello to hear anyone shouting from C Block, where I live, I suppose people relished the moment to have a voice. 

The day after the NewsNation “interview” with E Block aired, the prison’s deputy superintendent threatened everyone in the unit, particularly the guys on the street-facing side, with time in the hole if they yelled from their cell or blinked their lights for the media again.

You’ll notice in subsequent NewsNation interviews outside E Block that guys were still vocal, just not so much with the lights, to avoid being traced back to a particular cell. The deputy superintendent’s threat was all the act-right motivation they needed. Freedom of speech suppressed? Check.

Mangione’s notoriety likely softened the amount of oppression the guards here would usually dispense because they wanted something from him. They wanted stories to share with coworkers and friends and family. Everyone wanted a piece of the biggest crime story in the nation.

Now, nearly 2,000 of us are part of that story. No matter what, Mangione is and will forever be an SCI Huntingdon alumnus. His brothers here will intently follow his case as it moves forward through the criminal justice system, all the while telling anyone who’ll listen, if it had been them, what they would have done to keep from getting arrested in the first place.


59
submitted 1 month ago by glans@hexbear.net to c/news@hexbear.net

link to original document: chcoc.gov/sites/default/files/OPM Memo Initial Guidance Regarding DEIA Executive Orders.pdf

full text (somewhat awkwardly transformed into markdown)

MEMORANDUM

TO: Heads and Acting Heads of Departments and Agencies

FROM: Charles Ezell, Acting Director, U.S. Office of Personnel Management

DATE: January 21, 2025

RE: Initial Guidance Regarding DEIA Executive Orders


Pursuant to its authority under 5 U.S.C. § 1103(a)(1) and (a)(5), the U.S. Office of Personnel Management (“OPM”) is providing the following initial guidance to agencies regarding the President’s executive orders titled Ending Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing and Initial Rescissions of Harmful Executive Orders and Actions, which repeals Executive Order 14035, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility in the Federal Workforce.

Steps to Close Agency DEIA Offices: In light of the above Executive Orders, each should take prompt actions regarding the offices and agency sub-units focusing exclusively on DEIA initiatives and programs (the “DEIA offices”). Specifically, agency heads should take the following steps:

  1. No later than 5:00 pm EST on Wednesday, January 22, 2025

a. Send an agency-wide notice to employees informing them of the closure and asking employees if they know of any efforts to disguise these programs by using coded or imprecise language a template agency-wide notice is attached as Appendix 1.

b. Send a notification to all employees of DEIA offices that they are being placed on paid administrative leave effective immediately as the agency takes steps to close/end all DEIA initiatives, offices and programs.^1^ A template employee letter is attached as Appendix 2.

[footnote] 1: The authority for placing these employees on paid administrative leave is set forth in the OPM memorandum entitled “Guidance on Probationary Periods, Administrative Leave and Details” issued January 20, 2025.

c. Take down all outward facing media (websites, social media accounts, etc.) of DEIA offices.

d. Withdraw any final or pending documents, directives, orders, materials, and equity plans issued by the agency in response to now-repealed Executive Order 14035, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility (DEIA) in the Federal Workforce (June 25, 2021).

e. Cancel any DEIA-related trainings, and terminate any DEIA-related contractors.

  1. No later than 12:00 pm EST on Thursday, January 23, 2025, report to OPM on all steps taken to implement this memorandum, including:

a. a complete list of DEIA offices and any employees who in those offices as of November 5, 2024,

b. a complete list of all DEIA-related agency contracts as of November 5, 2024, and

c. any agency plans to fully comply with the above Executive Orders and this memorandum.

  1. No later than 5:00 pm EST on Friday, January 31, 2025, submit to OPM:

a. a written plan for executing a reduction-in-force action regarding the employees who work in a DEIA office. Agencies should coordinate with OPM in preparing these plans,

b. a list of all contract descriptions or personnel position descriptions that were changed since November 5, 2024 to obscure their connection to DEIA programs.

Please contact Amanda Scales at amanda.scales@opm.gov if you have any questions regarding this memorandum. Please send any reports requested by this guidance memo to DEIAreports@opm.gov, with a copy to amanda.scales@opm.gov.

cc: Chief Human Capital Officers (CHCOs), Deputy CHCOs, Human Resources Directors, and Chiefs of Staff

Appendix 1

Template Email - Agency Head to Employees

Dear agency employees,

We are taking steps to close all agency DEIA offices and end all DEIA-related contracts in accordance with President Trump’s executive orders titled Ending Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing and Initial Rescissions of Harmful Executive Orders and Actions.

These programs divided Americans by race, wasted taxpayer dollars, and resulted in shameful discrimination.

We are aware of efforts by some in government to disguise these programs by using coded or imprecise language. If you are aware of a change in any contract description or personnel position description since November 5, 2024 to obscure the connection between the contract and DEIA or similar ideologies, please report all facts and circumstances to DEIAtruth@opm.gov within 10 days.

There will be no adverse consequences for timely reporting this information. However, failure to report this information within 10 days may result in adverse consequences.

Thank you for your attention to this important matter.

Appendix 2

Template Email - Administrative Leave Notice (Sent to Employees)

Dear [Employee],

This email provides important information regarding your employment status. Effective January 2[_], 2025 at [__] [_]m EST, all employees within [ODEIA] will be placed on administrative leave with full pay and benefits. This administrative leave is not being done for any disciplinary purpose.

Please note the following:

  • Pay and Benefits: You will continue to receive your full salary and benefits during the entirety of this administrative leave period.
  • Work Responsibilities: You are not required or expected to perform any work-related tasks during this period of administrative leave.
  • Office Attendance: You are not required or expected to come to the office during this time.
  • Email Access: Your email access will be suspended. Please make sure that your address of record and contact information are current with your agency.

We will provide you with updates as soon as they are available. We appreciate your patience and cooperation.

If you have any concerns or questions, please contact [Designated Contact Person] at [Email].

Respectfully,

[Name/Title of Authorizing Official]

[Office/Agency]


[-] glans@hexbear.net 60 points 1 month ago

how is pinterest still on that list but even reddit and youtube are not?

36

u ever?

9

Country Joe & the Fish: Feeling Like I'm Fixin To Die Rag

currently working invidious: https://inv.nadeko.net/watch?v=ft0vkKCadgk

even as a kid I though the "F U C K" part at the beginning was kind of corny.

Anyone else love some baby boomer shit? When I was growing up it was the only role model available of people who had fought against the American state, the status quo, capitalism, imperialism, etc. And you got the vague impression they won even if the details weren't too clear and it seemed like all these things were still happening.

28
submitted 1 month ago by glans@hexbear.net to c/technology@hexbear.net
24

In one of the many ironies of an autocratic Chinese state built on an official ideology of communism but funded by unbridled capitalism, Xiaohongshu shares the same name as the book of Mao Zedong’s writings that became a symbol of the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 70s.

The “red” of that title referred to leftist ideology, but the modern-day “red” is a reference to hot fashions and trends. Perhaps the only things the two red books share are their wild popularity at home and fears about their impact beyond China’s border.

Young social media users said they rarely see overt Chinese propaganda, and that occasional clumsy attempts to promote their neighbour at Taiwan’s expense are more likely to make them laugh than change their politics. “You just have to be aware, and it will be OK [using Chinese apps],” said Lo, the student artist who mostly uses two obscure apps, Bilibili and Lofter.

“We saw one Taiwanese celebrity interviewed on Chinese state media, saying: ‘The seafood in China is so good – we don’t have that in Taiwan.’ We just thought it was funny,” she added. Taiwan, surrounded by rich fishing grounds, is famous for its cuisine, including seafood.

Politicians and experts say this kind of heavy-handed messaging is not their main concern. They fear content on the apps carries subtle messages about language and culture which attempt to deny or even erase the existence of a Taiwanese national and cultural identity.

“The Chinese Communist party wants Taiwanese people to love Chinese culture,” said Wang, the educator. “They hope that by convincing the students or young people to agree on the culture, it can help them agree on Chinese politics and government … maybe convince the Taiwanese students that we are all Chinese.”

full text

‘Into brain and the heart’: how China is using apps to woo Taiwan’s teenagers

Lifestyle and shopping apps are the latest weapons in Beijing’s information war against its neighbour

Emma Graham-Harrison and Chi-hui Lin in Taichung

Sun 13 Aug 2023 10.00 CEST

Ariel Lo spends a couple of hours most weeks sharing anime art and memes on Chinese apps, often chatting with friends in China in a Mandarin slightly different from the one she uses at home in Taiwan.

“People use English on Instagram, and for Chinese apps they use Chinese phrases. If I am talking to friends in China, I would use them,” Lo said as she picked up a bubble tea at a street market in central Taichung city.

The 18-year-old Earth sciences student, who creates art in her spare time, is part of a generation whose online life is increasingly influenced by content from China. That is worrying politicians and experts who fear young Taiwanese drawn to shop and entertain themselves on apps ultimately controlled by Beijing may be getting more than style tips, and sharing more than memes.

Social media companies can harvest valuable data and shape perspectives through the algorithms that control what posts viewers see. The FBI last year warned that TikTok and its Chinese counterpart, Douyin. were a threat to national security.

In Taiwan, those worries are particularly acute. China has made clear that it wants to take control of Taiwan, by force if necessary; and the two share a common language. That makes Chinese apps, music and drama particularly attractive and accessible to the Taiwanese and Taiwanese users a particularly important audience for Beijing.

“The similarities in language make the risk higher,” said Josh Wang of the Taiwan Pang-phuann Association of Education, which is building an education programme to make Taiwanese students more aware of online risks and how to protect themselves. “Students in Taiwan don’t necessarily care much about politics, so when it comes to finding entertainment, it’s convenient and easy to [use Chinese apps].”

He sees the influence of those shows, songs and memes spreading in Taiwan in the way that young people speak. Lo may restrict her use of phrases from China to chats on the apps, but others are sounding more like teenagers across the Taiwan Strait. “For example, my own students start using language in daily life like niubi [a popular Chinese slang word equating to ‘super cool’],” said Wang.

The two Chinese apps that are most popular in Taiwan are Douyin – the Chinese version of TikTok, run by the same parent company, ByteDance – and Xiaohongshu, or “little red book”, a lifestyle and social shopping site dubbed the “Chinese Instagram”.

In December last year, the Taiwanese government barred public sector employees from using TikTok and Xiaohongshu on official phones and other devices.

“Taiwan is the frontline of China’s information war,” said Chui Chih-Wei, a lawmaker from Taiwan’s ruling Democratic Progressive party, who wants to see the government ban matched by the private sector to protect Taiwan’s economy.

“It is impossible to ban these apps entirely as we are a democratic country, but today we already see the first small success. Now we should encourage big companies in Taiwan to ban it – ones linked to national security, to energy,” he said. “It takes time to get big firms behind something like this.”

Cultural influence is a relatively new concern for Taiwan. Decades ago, it was a style and culture beacon for China as the country struggled out of Maoist drabness and conformity, looking to icons like the Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng and the director Ang Lee. Now, older Taiwanese watch Chinese historical dramas and soap operas, and the younger generation is hooked on apps.

The Taiwanese government is worried about teenagers using TikTok and its Chinese version, Douyin. Photograph: Social Media

Scarlett Ling is a firm supporter of Taiwanese independence, and a heavy user of Douyin. “I am so bored, I use it every day for over two hours,” the 16-year-old admitted as she browsed a market in central Taichung city with a friend.

She worries about her data being siphoned off to servers controlled by Beijing, and refuses requests for her ID number. But the Chinese app has “better filters”, and she insists she steers clear of politics anyway. “I am just using it for lifestyle inspiration ... I certainly can’t be influenced [about politics].”

Rochelle Hsieh, a 21-year-old business logistics student snapping pictures of possible outfits in a Taipei clothes shop, said she gets much of her inspiration from Xiaohongshu, and spends two or three hours a day on there and Instagram.

In one of the many ironies of an autocratic Chinese state built on an official ideology of communism but funded by unbridled capitalism, Xiaohongshu shares the same name as the book of Mao Zedong’s writings that became a symbol of the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 70s.

The “red” of that title referred to leftist ideology, but the modern-day “red” is a reference to hot fashions and trends. Perhaps the only things the two red books share are their wild popularity at home and fears about their impact beyond China’s border.

Young social media users said they rarely see overt Chinese propaganda, and that occasional clumsy attempts to promote their neighbour at Taiwan’s expense are more likely to make them laugh than change their politics. “You just have to be aware, and it will be OK [using Chinese apps],” said Lo, the student artist who mostly uses two obscure apps, Bilibili and Lofter.

“We saw one Taiwanese celebrity interviewed on Chinese state media, saying: ‘The seafood in China is so good – we don’t have that in Taiwan.’ We just thought it was funny,” she added. Taiwan, surrounded by rich fishing grounds, is famous for its cuisine, including seafood.

Politicians and experts say this kind of heavy-handed messaging is not their main concern. They fear content on the apps carries subtle messages about language and culture which attempt to deny or even erase the existence of a Taiwanese national and cultural identity.

“The Chinese Communist party wants Taiwanese people to love Chinese culture,” said Wang, the educator. “They hope that by convincing the students or young people to agree on the culture, it can help them agree on Chinese politics and government … maybe convince the Taiwanese students that we are all Chinese.”

Beijing has described its propaganda strategy for Taiwan as “into the island, into the household, into the brain, into the heart”, an approach that clearly aims to exploit popular culture, sociologist Wang Horng-Luen wrote in a recent article about China’s soft-power influence.

Thinking that China is the root of culture will loosen the foundation of Taiwan’s sense of community

Wang Horng-Luen

A professor at the sociology department of the National Taiwan University, he said that Chinese content can reinforce colonial narratives that erase or minimise Taiwanese identity and culture. “Thinking that China is the root of culture ... will indeed loosen the foundation of Taiwan’s sense of community,” he wrote. It may also lead to “blind worship and dependence on China”.

Students spend on average five hours a day online, outside of class, and more than two-thirds say they get most of their news and information from the internet, Wang’s team working on social media education found. Media literacy classes are compulsory, but schools have not kept pace with student lives. Nearly nine out of 10 students think they have seen false information online, but two-thirds never or rarely used fact checking.

“The education system requires media literacy classes, but teachers have no idea how to teach it,” Wang said. “They teach how to read a newspaper with a critical perspective. But the students don’t read newspapers.”


80
i hate tom paris (hexbear.net)

he is the worst regular in all of the treks I have seen (TOS/TNG/DS9/VOY/ENT)

his whole thing is representing White american baby boomer dudes

boring as shit

doesn't belong in space

Torres can do so much better.

I don't believe this shit about being such a hot shot pilot.

I think he was sent by the CIA.

[-] glans@hexbear.net 48 points 1 month ago

So we've taught the computers to do black face and be pretendians.

[-] glans@hexbear.net 49 points 1 month ago

the comments on that thread

39
submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) by glans@hexbear.net to c/news@hexbear.net

Order of 23 December 2024

Order of 23 December 2024 - 196-20241223-ord-01-00-en.pdf

Obligations of Israel in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations, other international organizations and third States in and in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory

(Request for advisory opinion)

No. 196 23 December 2024

ORDER

The President of the International Court of Justice,

Having regard to Articles 48, 65 and 66 of the Statute of the Court and to Articles 103, 104 and 105 of the Rules of Court;

Whereas on 19 December 2024 the United Nations General Assembly adopted, at the 54th meeting of its Seventy-Ninth Session, resolution 79/232, by which it decided, in accordance with Article 96 of the Charter of the United Nations, to request the International Court of Justice, pursuant to Article 65 of the Statute of the Court, to render an advisory opinion;

Whereas certified true copies of the English and French texts of that resolution were transmitted to the Court under cover of a letter from the Secretary-General of the United Nations dated 20 December 2024 and received on 23 December 2024; Whereas paragraph 10 of this resolution reads as follows:

“The General Assembly,

........

\10. Decides, in accordance with Article 96 of the Charter of the United Nations, to request the International Court of Justice, pursuant to Article 65 of the Statute of the Court, on a priority basis and with the utmost urgency, to render an advisory opinion on the following question, considering the rules and principles of international law, as regards in particular the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law, international human rights law, privileges and immunities applicable under international law for international organizations and States, relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council, the advisory opinion of the Court of 9 July 2004, and the advisory opinion of the Court of 19 July 2024, in which the Court reaffirmed the duty of an occupying Power to administer occupied territory for the benefit of the local population and affirmed that Israel is not entitled to sovereignty over or to exercise sovereign powers in any part of the Occupied Palestinian Territory on account of its occupation:

What are the obligations of Israel, as an occupying Power and as a member of the United Nations, in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations, including its agencies and bodies, other international organizations and third States, in and in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including to ensure and facilitate the unhindered provision of urgently needed supplies essential to the survival of the Palestinian civilian population as well as of basic services and humanitarian and development assistance, for the benefit of the Palestinian civilian population, and in support of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination?”;

Whereas the Secretary-General indicated in his letter that, pursuant to Article 65, paragraph 2, of the Statute, all documents likely to throw light upon the question would be transmitted to the Court in due course; Whereas, by letters dated 23 December 2024, the Registrar gave notice of the request for an advisory opinion to all States entitled to appear before the Court, pursuant to Article 66, paragraph 1, of the Statute; Whereas, in view of the fact that the General Assembly has requested that the advisory opinion of the Court be rendered “on a priority basis and with the utmost urgency”, it is incumbent upon the Court to take all necessary steps to accelerate the procedure, as contemplated by Article 103 of its Rules,

  1. Decides that the United Nations and its Member States, as well as the observer State of Palestine, are considered likely to be able to furnish information on the question submitted to the Court for an advisory opinion and may do so within the time-limits fixed in this Order;

  2. Fixes 28 February 2025 as the time-limit within which written statements on the question may be presented to the Court, in accordance with Article 66, paragraph 2, of the Statute; and

Reserves the subsequent procedure for further decision.

Done in French and in English, the French text being authoritative, at the Peace Palace, The Hague, this twenty-third day of December, two thousand and twenty-four. (Signed) Nawaf SALAM, President. (Signed) Philippe GAUTIER, Registrar.


PDF original: Order of 23 December 2024 - 196-20241223-ord-01-00-en.pdf


Press release 2024/86

Case page: Advisory proceedings on the Obligations of Israel in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations, other international organizations and third States in and in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory 

un-cool

ETA: I believe this case is separate from Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem.

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I first heard about ghost artists in the summer of 2017. At the time, I was new to the music-streaming beat. I had been researching the influence of major labels on Spotify playlists since the previous year, and my first report had just been published. Within a few days, the owner of an independent record label in New York dropped me a line to let me know about a mysterious phenomenon that was “in the air” and of growing concern to those in the indie music scene: Spotify, the rumor had it, was filling its most popular playlists with stock music attributed to pseudonymous musicians—variously called ghost or fake artists—presumably in an effort to reduce its royalty payouts. Some even speculated that Spotify might be making the tracks itself. At a time when playlists created by the company were becoming crucial sources of revenue for independent artists and labels, this was a troubling allegation.

At first, it sounded to me like a conspiracy theory. Surely, I thought, these artists were just DIY hustlers trying to game the system. But the tips kept coming. Over the next few months, I received more notes from readers, musicians, and label owners about the so-called fake-artist issue than about anything else. One digital strategist at an independent record label worried that the problem could soon grow more insidious. “So far it’s happening within a genre that mostly affects artists at labels like the one I work for, or Kranky, or Constellation,” the strategist said, referring to two long-running indie labels.* “But I doubt that it’ll be unique to our corner of the music world for long.”

By July, the story had burst into public view, after a Vulture article resurfaced a year-old item from the trade press claiming that Spotify was filling some of its popular and relaxing mood playlists—such as those for “jazz,” “chill,” and “peaceful piano” music—with cheap fake-artist offerings created by the company. A Spotify spokesperson, in turn, told the music press that these reports were “categorically untrue, full stop”: the company was not creating its own fake-artist tracks. But while Spotify may not have created them, it stopped short of denying that it had added them to its playlists. The spokesperson’s rebuttal only stoked the interest of the media, and by the end of the summer, articles on the matter appeared from NPR and the Guardian, among other outlets. Journalists scrutinized the music of some of the artists they suspected to be fake and speculated about how they had become so popular on Spotify. Before the year was out, the music writer David Turner had used analytics data to illustrate how Spotify’s “Ambient Chill” playlist had largely been wiped of well-known artists like Brian Eno, Bibio, and Jon Hopkins, whose music was replaced by tracks from Epidemic Sound, a Swedish company that offers a subscription-based library of production music—the kind of stock material often used in the background of advertisements, TV programs, and assorted video content.

For years, I referred to the names that would pop up on these playlists simply as “mystery viral artists.” Such artists often had millions of streams on Spotify and pride of place on the company’s own mood-themed playlists, which were compiled by a team of in-house curators. And they often had Spotify’s verified-artist badge. But they were clearly fake. Their “labels” were frequently listed as stock-music companies like Epidemic, and their profiles included generic, possibly AI-generated imagery, often with no artist biographies or links to websites. Google searches came up empty.

In the years following that initial salvo of negative press, other controversies served as useful distractions for Spotify: the company’s 2019 move into podcasting and eventual $250 million deal with Joe Rogan, for example, and its 2020 introduction of Discovery Mode, a program through which musicians or labels accept a lower royalty rate in exchange for algorithmic promotion. The fake-artist saga faded into the background, another of Spotify’s unresolved scandals as the company increasingly came under fire and musicians grew more emboldened to speak out against it with each passing year.

Then, in 2022, an investigation by the Swedish daily Dagens Nyheter revived the allegations. By comparing streaming data against documents retrieved from the Swedish copyright collection society STIM, the newspaper revealed that around twenty songwriters were behind the work of more than five hundred “artists,” and that thousands of their tracks were on Spotify and had been streamed millions of times.

Around this time, I decided to dig into the story of Spotify’s ghost artists in earnest, and the following summer, I made a visit to the DN offices in Sweden. The paper’s technology editor, Linus Larsson, showed me the Spotify page of an artist called Ekfat. Since 2019, a handful of tracks had been released under this moniker, mostly via the stock-music company Firefly Entertainment, and appeared on official Spotify playlists like “Lo-Fi House” and “Chill Instrumental Beats.” One of the tracks had more than three million streams; at the time of this writing, the number has surpassed four million. Larsson was amused by the elaborate artist bio, which he read aloud. It described Ekfat as a classically trained Icelandic beat maker who graduated from the “Reykjavik music conservatory,” joined the “legendary Smekkleysa Lo-Fi Rockers crew” in 2017, and released music only on limited-edition cassettes until 2019. “Completely made up,” Larsson said. “This is probably the most absurd example, because they really tried to make him into the coolest music producer that you can find.”

Besides the journalists at DN, no one in Sweden wanted to talk about the fake artists. In Stockholm, I visited the address listed for one of the ghost labels and knocked on the door—no luck. I met someone who knew a guy who maybe ran one of the production companies, but he didn’t want to talk. A local businessman would reveal only that he worked in the “functional music space,” and clammed up as soon as I told him about my investigation.

Even with the new reporting, there was still much missing from the bigger picture: Why, exactly, were the tracks getting added to these hugely popular Spotify playlists? We knew that the ghost artists were linked to certain production companies, and that those companies were pumping out an exorbitant number of tracks, but what was their relationship to Spotify?

For more than a year, I devoted myself to answering these questions. I spoke with former employees, reviewed internal Spotify records and company Slack messages, and interviewed and corresponded with numerous musicians. What I uncovered was an elaborate internal program. Spotify, I discovered, not only has partnerships with a web of production companies, which, as one former employee put it, provide Spotify with “music we benefited from financially,” but also a team of employees working to seed these tracks on playlists across the platform. In doing so, they are effectively working to grow the percentage of total streams of music that is cheaper for the platform. The program’s name: Perfect Fit Content (PFC). The PFC program raises troubling prospects for working musicians. Some face the possibility of losing out on crucial income by having their tracks passed over for playlist placement or replaced in favor of PFC; others, who record PFC music themselves, must often give up control of certain royalty rights that, if a track becomes popular, could be highly lucrative. But it also raises worrying questions for all of us who listen to music. It puts forth an image of a future in which—as streaming services push music further into the background, and normalize anonymous, low-cost playlist filler—the relationship between listener and artist might be severed completely.

How had it come to this? Spotify, after all, did not start out aiming to shape users’ listening behavior. In fact, in the early days, the user’s experience on the platform centered on the search bar. Listeners needed to know what they were looking for. The company’s CEO, Daniel Ek, is said to have been averse to the idea of an overly curated service. When the platform launched in Europe, in 2008, it positioned itself as a way to access music that was “better than piracy,” like a fully stocked iTunes library but accessed over the internet, all of it available via a monthly subscription. The emphasis was on providing entry to “A World of Music,” as an early ad campaign emphasized, with the tagline “Instant, simple and free.” Users could make their own playlists or listen to those made by others.

Like many other tech companies in the twenty-first century, Spotify spent its first decade claiming to disrupt an archaic industry, scaling up as quickly as possible, and attracting venture capitalists to an unproven business model. In its search for growth and profitability, Spotify reinvented itself repeatedly: as a social-networking platform in 2010, as an app marketplace in 2011, and by the end of 2012, as a hub for what it called “music for every moment,” supplying recommendations for specific moods, activities, and times of day. Spotify made its move into curation the next year, hiring a staff of editors to compile in-house playlists. In 2014, the company was increasing its investment in algorithmic personalization technology. This innovation was intended, as Spotify put it, to “level the playing field” for artists by minimizing the power of major labels, radio stations, and other old-school gatekeepers; in their place, it claimed, would be a system that simply rewarded tracks that streamed well. By the mid-2010s, the service was actively recasting itself as a neutral platform, a data-driven meritocracy that was rewriting the rules of the music business with its playlists and algorithms.

In reality, Spotify was subject to the outsized influence of the major-label oligopoly of Sony, Universal, and Warner, which together owned a 17 percent stake in the company when it launched. The companies, which controlled roughly 70 percent of the market for recorded music, held considerable negotiating power from the start. For these major labels, the rise of Spotify would soon pay off. By the mid-2010s, streaming had cemented itself as the most important source of revenue for the majors, which were raking in cash from Spotify’s millions of paying subscribers after more than a decade of declining revenue. But while Ek’s company was paying labels and publishers a lot of money—some 70 percent of its revenue—it had yet to turn a profit itself, something shareholders would soon demand. In theory, Spotify had any number of options: raising subscription rates, cutting costs by downsizing operations, or finding ways to attract new subscribers.

According to a source close to the company, Spotify’s own internal research showed that many users were not coming to the platform to listen to specific artists or albums; they just needed something to serve as a soundtrack for their days, like a study playlist or maybe a dinner soundtrack. In the lean-back listening environment that streaming had helped champion, listeners often weren’t even aware of what song or artist they were hearing. As a result, the thinking seemed to be: Why pay full-price royalties if users were only half listening? It was likely from this reasoning that the Perfect Fit Content program was created.

After at least a year of piloting, PFC was presented to Spotify editors in 2017 as one of the company’s new bets to achieve profitability. According to a former employee, just a few months later, a new column appeared on the dashboard editors used to monitor internal playlists. The dashboard was where editors could view various stats: plays, likes, skip rates, saves. And now, right at the top of the page, editors could see how successfully each playlist embraced “music commissioned to fit a certain playlist/mood with improved margins,” as PFC was described internally.

Editors were soon encouraged by higher-ups, with increasing persistence, to add PFC songs to certain playlists. “Initially, they would give us links to stuff, like, ‘Oh, it’s no pressure for you to add it, but if you can, that would be great,’ ” the former employee recalled. “Then it became more aggressive, like, ‘Oh, this is the style of music in your playlist, if you try it and it works, then why not?’ ”

Another former playlist editor told me that employees were concerned that the company wasn’t being transparent with users about the origin of this material. Still another former editor told me that he didn’t know where the music was coming from, though he was aware that adding it to his playlists was important for the company. “Maybe I should have asked more questions,” he told me, “but I was just kind of like, ‘Okay, how do I mix this music with artists that I like and not have them stand out?’ ”

Some employees felt that those responsible for pushing the PFC strategy did not understand the musical traditions that were being affected by it. These higher-ups were well versed in the business of major-label hitmaking, but not necessarily in the cultures or histories of genres like jazz, classical, ambient, and lo-fi hip-hop—music that tended to do well on playlists for relaxing, sleeping, or focusing. One of my sources told me that the attitude was “if the metrics went up, then let’s just keep replacing more and more, because if the user doesn’t notice, then it’s fine.”

Trying to share concerns about the program internally was challenging. “Some of us really didn’t feel good about what was happening,” a former employee told me. “We didn’t like that it was these two guys that normally write pop songs replacing swaths of artists across the board. It’s just not fair. But it was like trying to stop a train that was already leaving.”

Eventually, it became clear internally that many of the playlist editors—whom Spotify had touted in the press as music lovers with encyclopedic knowledge—were uninterested in participating in the scheme. The company started to bring on editors who seemed less bothered by the PFC model. These new editors looked after mood and activity playlists, and worked on playlists and programs that other editors didn’t want to take part in anymore. (Spotify denies that staffers were encouraged to add PFC to playlists, and that playlist editors were discontented with the program.) By 2023, several hundred playlists were being monitored by the team responsible for PFC. Over 150 of these, including “Ambient Relaxation,” “Deep Focus,” “100% Lounge,” “Bossa Nova Dinner,” “Cocktail Jazz,” “Deep Sleep,” “Morning Stretch,” and “Detox,” were nearly entirely made up of PFC.

Spotify managers defended PFC to staff by claiming that the tracks were being used only for background music, so listeners wouldn’t know the difference, and that there was a low supply of music for these types of playlists anyway. The first part of this argument was true: a statistical breakdown of the PFC rollout, shared over Slack, showed how PFC “streamshare”—Spotify’s term for percentage of total streams—was distributed across playlists for different activities, such as sleep, mindfulness, unwinding, lounging, meditation, calming down, concentrating, or studying. But the other half of management’s justification was harder to prove. Music in instrumental genres such as ambient, classical, electronic, jazz, and lo-fi beats was in plentiful supply across Spotify—more than enough to draw on to populate its playlists without requiring the addition of PFC.

PFC eventually began to be handled by a small team called Strategic Programming, or StraP for short, which in 2023 had ten members. Though Spotify denies that it is trying to increase PFC’s streamshare, internal Slack messages show members of the StraP team analyzing quarter-by-quarter growth and discussing how to increase the number of PFC streams. When Harper’s Magazine followed up with the company to ask why internal documents showed the team tracking the percentage of PFC content across hundreds of playlists if not to attend to the growth of PFC content on the platform, a spokesperson for the company said, “Spotify is data driven in all that we do.” And though Spotify told Harper’s that it does not “promise placement on any playlists” in any of its licensing agreements, when new PFC providers were brought on board, senior staffers would notify editors to attend to their offerings. “We’ve now onboarded Myndstream,” a StraP staffer wrote in one message. “Please prioritize adding from these as this is a new partner so they can get some live feedback.” That employee shared with the rest of the team a series of lists made by the new partner, sorting their tracks into collections titled “ambient piano covers,” “psilocybin (relax and breathe)” and “lofi originals.” A couple of months later, another team member posted a similar message:

Our new partner Slumber Group LLC is ready for their first releases. Make sure to have them set up in your Reverb filters for more snoozy content :)

(“Reverb” refers to an internal tool for managing tracks and playlists.)

The roster of PFC providers discussed internally was long. For years, Firefly Entertainment and Epidemic Sound dominated media speculation about Spotify’s playlist practices. But internal messages revealed they were just two among at least a dozen PFC providers, including companies with names like Hush Hush LLC and Catfarm Music AB. There was Queenstreet Content AB, the production company of the Swedish pop songwriting duo Andreas Romdhane and Josef Svedlund, who were also behind another mood-music streaming operation, Audiowell, which partnered with megaproducer Max Martin (who has shaped the sound of global pop music since the Nineties) and private-equity firm Altor. In 2022, the Swedish press reported that Queenstreet was bringing in more than $10 million per year. Another provider was Industria Works, a subsidiary of which is Mood Works, a distributor whose website shows that it also streams tracks on Apple Music and Amazon Music. Spotify was perhaps not alone in promoting cheap stock music.

In a Slack channel dedicated to discussing the ethics of streaming, Spotify’s own employees debated the fairness of the PFC program. “I wonder how much these plays ‘steal’ from actual ’normal’ artists,” one employee asked. And yet as far as the public was concerned, the company had gone to great lengths to keep the initiative under wraps. Perhaps Spotify understood the stakes—that when it removed real classical, jazz, and ambient artists from popular playlists and replaced them with low-budget stock muzak, it was steamrolling real music cultures, actual traditions within which artists were trying to make a living. Or perhaps the company was aware that this project to cheapen music contradicted so many of the ideals upon which its brand had been built. Spotify had long marketed itself as the ultimate platform for discovery—and who was going to get excited about “discovering” a bunch of stock music? Artists had been sold the idea that streaming was the ultimate meritocracy—that the best would rise to the top because users voted by listening. But the PFC program undermined all this. PFC was not the only way in which Spotify deliberately and covertly manipulated programming to favor content that improved its margins, but it was the most immediately galling. Nor was the problem simply a matter of “authenticity” in music. It was a matter of survival for actual artists, of musicians having the ability to earn a living on one of the largest platforms for music. PFC was irrefutable proof that Spotify rigged its system against musicians who knew their worth.

In 2023, on a summer afternoon in Brooklyn, I met up with a jazz musician in a park. We talked about the recent shows we had seen, our favorite and least favorite venues, the respective pockets of the New York music scene we moved through. He spoke passionately about his friends’ music and his most cherished performance spaces. But our conversation soon turned to something else: his most recent side gig, making jazz for a company that was described, in one internal Spotify document, as one of its “high margin (PFC) licensors.”

He wasn’t familiar with the term PFC, but his tracks have been given prominent placement on some of Spotify’s most PFC-saturated chill-jazz playlists. Like many musicians in his position, there was a lot he didn’t know about the arrangement. He had signed a one-year contract to make anonymous tracks for a production company that would distribute them on Spotify. He called it his “Spotify playlist gig,” a commitment he also called “brain-numbing” and “pretty much completely joyless.” And while he didn’t quite understand the details of his employer’s relationship with Spotify, he knew that many of his tracks had landed on playlists with millions of followers. “I just record stuff and submit it, and I’m not really sure what happens from there,” he told me.

As he described it, making new PFC starts with studying old PFC: it’s a feedback loop of playlist fodder imitated over and over again. A typical session starts with a production company sending along links to target playlists as reference points. His task is to then chart out new songs that could stream well on these playlists. “Honestly, for most of this stuff, I just write out charts while lying on my back on the couch,” he explained. “And then once we have a critical mass, they organize a session and we play them. And it’s usually just like, one take, one take, one take, one take. You knock out like fifteen in an hour or two.” With the jazz musician’s particular group, the session typically includes a pianist, a bassist, and a drummer. An engineer from the studio will be there, and usually someone from the PFC partner company will come along, too—acting as a producer, giving light feedback, at times inching the musicians in a more playlist-friendly direction. The most common feedback: play simpler. “That’s definitely the thing: nothing that could be even remotely challenging or offensive, really,” the musician told me. “The goal, for sure, is to be as milquetoast as possible.”

This wasn’t a scam artist with a master plan to steal prime playlist real estate. He was just someone who, like other working musicians today, was trying to cobble together a living. “There are so many things in music that you treat as grunt work,” he said. “This kind of felt like the same category as wedding gigs or corporate gigs. It’s made very explicit on Spotify that these are background playlists, so it didn’t necessarily strike me as any different from that. . . . You’re just a piece of the furniture.”

The jazz musician asked me not to identify the name of the company he worked for; he didn’t want to risk losing the gig. Throughout our conversation, though, he repeatedly emphasized his reservations about the system, calling it “shameful”—even without knowledge of the hard details of the program, he understood that his work was creating value for a company, and a system, with little regard for the well-being of independent artists. In general, the musicians working with PFC companies I spoke with were highly critical of the arrangement. One musician who made electronic compositions for Epidemic Sound told me about how “the creative process was more about replicating playlist styles and vibes than looking inward.” Another musician, a professional audio engineer who turned out ambient recordings for a different PFC partner, told me that he stopped making this type of stock music because “it felt unethical, like some kind of money-laundering scheme.”

According to a former Spotify employee, the managers of the PFC program justified its existence internally in part by claiming that the participating musicians were true artists like any other—they had simply chosen to monetize their creative work in a different way. (A Spotify spokesperson confirmed this, pointing out that “music that an artist creates but publishes under a band name or a pseudonym has been popular across mediums for decades.”) But the PFC musicians I spoke to told a different story. They did not consider their work for these companies to be part of their artistic output. One composer I spoke with compared it to the use of soundalikes in the advertising business, when a production company asks an artist to write and record a cheaper version of a popular song.

“It’s kind of like taking a standardized test, where there’s a range of right answers and a far larger range of wrong answers,” the jazz musician said. “It feels like someone is giving you a prompt or a question, and you’re just answering it, whether it’s actually your conviction or not. Nobody I know would ever go into the studio and record music this way.”

All this points to a disconcerting context collapse for musicians—to the way in which being an artist and the business of background music are increasingly entwined, and the distinctions of purpose increasingly blurred. PFC is in some ways similar to production music, audio made in bulk on a work-for-hire basis, which is often fully owned by production companies that make it easily available to license for ads, in-store soundtracks, film scores, and the like. In fact, PFC seems to encompass repurposed production-music catalogues, but it also appears to include work commissioned more directly for mood playlists, as suggested by one the Spotify StraP team’s discussion of an ongoing “wishlist for PFC partners” on Slack.

Production music is booming today thanks to a digital environment in which a growing share of internet traffic comes from video and audio. Generations of YouTube and TikTok influencers strive to avoid the complicated world of sync licensing (short for music synchronization licensing, the process of acquiring rights to play music in the background of audiovisual content) and the possibility of content being removed for copyright violations. Companies like Epidemic Sound purport to solve this problem, claiming to simplify sync licensing by offering a library of pre-cleared, royalty-free production music for a monthly or yearly subscription fee. They also provide in-store music for retail outlets, in the tradition of muzak.

As Epidemic grew, it started to behave like a record label. “Similar to any label, we were doing licenses with DSPs,” one former employee told me, referring to digital service providers such as Amazon Music, Apple Music, and Spotify. “Epidemic’s content is primarily being made for sync, so it’s primarily non-lyrical. This includes ambient content, lo-fi beats, classical compositions. Things a YouTube creator might put over a landscape video. And this content tends to also do well in playlists such as ‘Deep Focus,’ for example, on Spotify.”

Unsurprisingly, one of the first venture-capital firms to invest in Spotify, Creandum, also invested early in Epidemic. In 2021, Epidemic raised $450 million from Blackstone Growth and EQT Growth, increasing the company’s valuation to $1.4 billion. It is striking, even now, that these venture capitalists saw so much potential for profit in background music. “This is, at the end of the day, a data business,” the global head of Blackstone Growth said at the time. The Spotify–Epidemic corporate synergies reflect how streaming has flattened differences across music. The industry has contributed to a massive wave of consolidation: different music-adjacent industries and ecosystems that previously operated in isolation all suddenly depend on royalties from the same platforms. And it has led to the blurring of aesthetic boundaries as well. The musician who made tracks for Epidemic Sound and ended up on many PFC-heavy playlists told me that he was required to release the tracks under his real artist name, on his preexisting Spotify page. “My profile on Spotify picked up a lot once my Epidemic compositions found their way onto playlists,” he said. “The sad thing is that rarely results in playlist listeners digging deeper into the artist of a track they hear or like.”

The Epidemic artist explained how each month started with the company presenting a new playlist it had created. “You are then to compose however many tracks you and Epidemic agree on, drawing ‘inspiration’ from said playlist,” he told me. “Ninety-eight percent of the time, these playlists had very little to do with my own artistic vision and vibe but, rather, focused on what Epidemic felt its subscribers were after. So essentially, I was composing bespoke music. This annoyed the fuck out of me.”

But at the end of the day, he said, it was still a paycheck: “I did it because I needed a job real bad and the money was better than any money I could make from even successful indie labels, many of which I worked with,” he told me. “Honestly, I had no idea which tracks I made would end up doing well. . . . Every track I made for Epidemic was based on their curated playlist.”

While it’s true that the business of sync licensing can be complicated, musicians from the Ivors Academy, a British advocacy organization for songwriters and composers, say that the “frictions” companies like Epidemic seek to smooth out are actually hard-won industry protections. “Simplicity is overrated when it comes to your rights,” Kevin Sargent, a composer of television and film scores, told me. In claiming to “simplify” the mechanics of the background-music industry, Epidemic and its peers have championed a system of flat-fee buyouts. The Epidemic composer I spoke with said that his payments were routinely around $1,700, and that the tracks were purchased by Epidemic as a complete buyout. “They own the master,” he told me. Epidemic’s selling point is that the music is royalty-free for its own subscribers, but it does collect royalties from streaming services; these it splits with artists fifty-fifty. But in the case of the musician I spoke with, the streaming royalty checks from tracks produced for Epidemic Sound were smaller than those for his non-Epidemic tracks, and artists are not entitled to certain other royalties: to refine its exploitative model, Epidemic does not work with artists who belong to performance-rights organizations, the groups that collect royalties for songwriters when their compositions are played on TV or radio, online, or even in public. “It’s essentially a race to the bottom,” the production-music composer Mat Andasun told me.

The musician who made ambient tracks for one of the PFC partner companies told me about power imbalances he experienced on the job. “There was a fee paid up front,” he explained to me. “It was like, ‘We’ll give you a couple hundred bucks. You don’t own the master. We’ll give you a percentage of publishing.’ And it was basically pitched to me that I could do as many of these tracks as I wanted.” In the end, he recorded only a handful of tracks for the company, released under different aliases, and made a couple thousand dollars. The money seemed pretty good at first, since each track took only a few hours. But as a couple of the tracks took off on Spotify, one garnering millions upon millions of streams, he started to see how unfair the deal was in the long term: the tracks were generating far more revenue for Spotify and the ghost label than he would ever see, because he owned no part of the master and none of the publishing rights. “I’m selling my intellectual property for essentially peanuts,” he said.

He quickly succumbed to the feeling that something was wrong with the arrangement. “I’m aware that the master recording is generating much more than I’m getting. Maybe that’s just business, but it’s so related to being able to get that amount of plays. Whoever can actually get you generating that amount of plays, they hold the power,” the musician told me.

“It feels pretty weird,” he continued. “My name is not on it. There’s no credit. There’s not a label on it. It’s really like there’s nothing—no composer information. There’s a layer of smoke screen. They’re not trying to have it be traceable.”

A model in which the imperative is simply to keep listeners around, whether they’re paying attention or not, distorts our very understanding of music’s purpose. This treatment of music as nothing but background sounds—as interchangeable tracks of generic, vibe-tagged playlist fodder—is at the heart of how music has been devalued in the streaming era. It is in the financial interest of streaming services to discourage a critical audio culture among users, to continue eroding connections between artists and listeners, so as to more easily slip discounted stock music through the cracks, improving their profit margins in the process. It’s not hard to imagine a future in which the continued fraying of these connections erodes the role of the artist altogether, laying the groundwork for users to accept music made using generative-AI software.

“I’m sure it’s something that AI could do now, which is kind of scary,” one of the former Spotify playlist editors told me, referring to the potential for AI tools to pump out audio much like the PFC tracks. The PFC partner companies themselves understand this. According to Epidemic Sound’s own public-facing materials, the company already plans to allow its music writers to use AI tools to generate tracks. In its 2023 annual report, Epidemic explained that its ownership of the world’s largest catalogue of “restriction-free” tracks made it “one of the best-positioned” companies to allow creators to harness “AI’s capabilities.” Even as it promoted the role that AI would play in its business, Epidemic emphasized the human nature of its approach. “Our promise to our artists is that technology will never replace them,” read a post on Epidemic’s corporate blog. But the ceaseless churn of quickly generated ghost-artist tracks already seems poised to do just that.

Spotify, for its part, has been open about its willingness to allow AI music on the platform. During a 2023 conference call, Daniel Ek noted that the boom in AI-generated content could be “great culturally” and allow Spotify to “grow engagement and revenue.” That’s an unsurprising position for a company that has long prided itself on its machine-learning systems, which power many of its recommendations, and has framed its product evolution as a story of AI transformation. These automated recommendations are, in part, how Spotify was able to usher in another of its most contentious cost-saving initiatives: Discovery Mode, its payola-like program whereby artists accept a lower royalty rate in exchange for algorithmic promotion. Like the PFC program, tracks enrolled in Discovery Mode are unmarked on Spotify; both schemes allow the service to push discount content to users without their knowledge. Discovery Mode has drawn scrutiny from artists, organizers, and lawmakers, which highlights another reason the company may ultimately prefer the details of its ghost-artist program to remain obscure. After all, protests for higher royalty rates can’t happen if playlists are filled with artists who remain in the shadows.

Liz Pelly

 is the author of Mood Machine: The Rise of Spotify and the Costs of the Perfect Playlist, from which this excerpt is taken. It will be published in January by One Signal Publishers, an imprint of Atria Books.


[-] glans@hexbear.net 48 points 2 months ago

I stumbled on this website that maybe possibly someone here might find of interest: https://headline.nolog.cz/ It's by some lefty nerds.

It change tracks czech headlines from RSS feeds using red=deleted green=added (sorry color blind folks). Some basic filters but nothing fancy. So when they edit the original headline you can see it:

As I do not read czech I am using Firefox's built in translation. (Which is expanded recently tho mostly European languages.) It keeps up pretty good considering all the sentences are malformed. Web site is FLOSS (docker), so could be re deployed to another language.

They have available if you want the full archive of article changes in CSV format which is 12mb to download, 60mb when extracted, and 176,000 lines long. Maybe sometime it would be of value. The kind of thing that needs to be proactively collected.

[-] glans@hexbear.net 50 points 2 months ago

You know about 10 years ago a friend of mine was completing engineering school. They told me the basics of the program was to give you a framework so you will know what questions to ask and how to conduct an effective web search. The education was totally predicated on constant access to the internet.

So the good news is this isn't new, the bad news is it is in line with prior culture.

[-] glans@hexbear.net 68 points 3 months ago

Someone is going to have to step up to be Dr. Morgentaler

On October 17, 1967, he presented a brief on behalf of the Humanist Association of Canada before a House of Commons Health and Welfare Committee that was investigating the issue of illegal abortion. Morgentaler stated that women should have the right to safe abortion. The reaction to his public testimony surprised him: he began to receive calls from women who wanted abortions. Robert Malcolm Campbell and Leslie Alexander Pal wrote, "Henry Morgentaler experienced the [abortion] law's limitations directly in the supplications of desperate women who visited his Montreal office." Morgentaler's initial response was to refuse:

"I hadn't expected the avalanche of requests and didn't realize the magnitude of the problem in immediate, human terms. I answered, 'I sympathize with you. I know your problem, but the law won't let me help you. If I do help you, I'll go to jail, I lose my practice—I have a wife and two children. I'm sorry, but I just can't!'"

For a time he was able to refer the women to two other doctors who did abortions, but they became unavailable. There was no one to whom he could send them, and some of them were ending up in the emergency department after amateur abortions. He has said that he felt like a coward for sending them away and that he was shirking his responsibility. Eventually, in spite of the risks to himself—loss of career, a prison term for years or for life—he decided to perform abortions and, at the same time, challenge the law. ...

He knew that he could prevent those unnecessary deaths, so he determined to use civil disobedience to change the law.

In 1968, Morgentaler gave up his family practice and began performing abortions in his private clinic. He devoted his clinic to performing abortions on women as well as providing birth control and contraceptives, though it was illegal at the time.

Read the rest of the article to learn about how as a child in Poland he was incarcerated in nazi concentration camps for being jewish. Then as an adult in Quebec, incarcerated for performing abortions.

[-] glans@hexbear.net 56 points 7 months ago

If it wanted to, could China decisively step in between Israel and the remains of Palestine?

Pro

  • China is massive in all ways
  • Palestine is righteous

Con / risks

  • Israel is fucking insane
[-] glans@hexbear.net 53 points 1 year ago

Just a question. I know it is pointless to refute the non-logic of genocide. But I keep thinking about this every time I hear about how Gaza must be carpet bombed due to how "embedded" Hamas is in the Gazan population. How there are "no civilians" in Gaza.

I obtain all value from the sidebar of the most obvious wikipedia articles which are linked.

Hamas in Gaza:

  • Population Palestinians (2016) = 4,816,503 source

  • Hamas Membership = 20,00025,000 source

  • Math: ( 25,000 / 4,816,503 ) * 100 = 0.5%

result: 0.5% Gazans in Hamas

IDF in Israel:

  • Israel 2024 population = 9,846,080 source

  • Available and "Fit" for military service = 1,499,998 males, age 17–49 (2016), 1,392,319 females, age 17–49 (2016) source

    • Total = 2,892,317
  • Math: (2,892,317 / 9,846,080) * 100 = 29%

result: 29% of the total population of Israel is available and "fit" for service in the IDF.

(If you include "unfit" people the total is 3,068,249, or 31% of population.)

The IDF % does not even count those who served in the past but are no longer "available", for example being over age 50. People who have directly on an individual, documented level participated in crimes on Palestinians. Furthermore it does not exclude children (28% of Israeli population is <= 14 source). If only adults were included it would be a solid majority. I think this math is pretty generous to the israeli side.

And still about 1/3 of their population seems to be directly, presently involved as combatants or potential combatants.

It seems to me that if I were Israel, I wouldn't be introducing an argument like this.

Is my logic flawed? Or is it just too sick to think like this?

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glans

joined 2 years ago